Перевод: со словенского на английский

с английского на словенский

comments etc

  • 1 màzati

    màzati Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `smear, anoint'
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 23-25
    Old Church Slavic:
    mazati `anoint' [verb], mažǫ [1sg]
    Russian:
    mázat' `smear, oil, grease' [verb], mážu [1sg], mážet [3sg]
    Czech:
    mazati `smear, oil, defile' [verb]
    Slovak:
    mazat' `smear' [verb]
    Polish:
    mazać `smear' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁzati `smear, grease, paint' [verb], mȁžēm [1sg];
    Čak. mȁzati (Vrgada) `soil, besmirch' [verb], mȁžeš [2sg];
    mȁzati `smear, grease, paint' [verb];
    Čak. mȁzat (Orbanići) `smear, grease' [verb], mȃžen [1sg]
    Slovene:
    mázati `smear, grease, paint' [verb], mȃžem [1sg]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: moʔź-
    Lithuanian:
    mė́žti `manure, muck out'
    Latvian:
    mêzt `muck out, sweep' [verb];
    muõzêt `gobble, pound, fool, harass, beat' [verb]
    Page in Pokorny: 696
    Comments: For the time being I have grouped together Slavic *màzati and Lith. mė́žti `manure, muck out', Latv. mêzt `muck out, sweep' and muõzêt `gobble, pound etc.' (cf. Oštir 1912: 214, Fraenkel I: 444). It seems to me that the Baltic words can be linked semantically to *màzati `smear' if we start from a meaning `smear, wipe, sweep' (for the semantic development attested in muõzêt, cf. Ru. smázat' `strike a blow', MoDu. (dial.) afsmeren `give s.o. a beating'). Another possibility would be to connect *màzati with Gk. μάσσω (aor. pass. μαγη̃ναι) `knead' (provided that the root is not μακ- instead of μαγ-, which, according to Chantraine (670), cannot be determined), Arm. macanim `thicken, stick together' and OHG mahhōn, OS makōn etc. `make'. This would entail a reconstruction *meh₂ǵ- (*maǵ- in Pokorny), which would preclude a connection with mė́žti, Latv. mêzt.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > màzati

  • 2 mьglà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьglà

  • 3 mьgà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьgà

  • 4 miglъ

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > miglъ

  • 5 zobàti

    zobàti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `peck'
    Old Church Slavic:
    ozoba (Ps. Sin.) `devoured' [3sgaor];
    izoba (Supr.) `ate' [3sgaor]
    Russian:
    zobát' (dial.) `peck, swallow, eat greedily, devour' [verb]
    Old Russian:
    zobati `eat' [verb]
    Czech:
    zobati `peck' [verb];
    džobač (Lach dial.) `peck' [verb]
    Slovak:
    zobat' `peck' [verb]
    Polish:
    dziobać `peck' [verb] \{1\}
    Old Polish:
    zobać `peck' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    zòbati `peck, (Vuk) eat grains' [verb], zȍbljēm [1sg];
    Čak. zobȁti (Vrgada) `peck' [verb], zȍbl̨eš [2sg];
    Čak. zobȁt (Orbanići) `peck, eat, nibble (grapes, berries etc.)' [verb], zȍbljen [1sg]
    Slovene:
    zóbati `peck, eat (berries, cherries etc.), eat grains' [verb], zǫ́bljem [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    zóbam `eat berries one by one' [verb]
    Lithuanian:
    žė̃bti `eat dry substances, gobble, crave for, covet' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: ǵ(ʰ)obʰ-
    Comments: It is doubtful if there are cognates outside Balto-Slavic.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Originally an East Polish form.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > zobàti

  • 6 bolnь

    bolnь; boln̨a Grammatical information: f. i; f. jā
    Page in Trubačev: II 178
    Russian:
    bolón' (dial.) `peritoneum, membrane, upper layers of a tree, cambium, bull's belly' [f i];
    bólon' (dial.) `timber' [f i]
    Old Russian:
    bolonь `low-lying meadow near a river' [f i]
    Ukrainian:
    bolon' `meadow, pasture' [f i]
    Czech:
    blaňa (dial.) `film, skin (on milk etc.)' [f jā]
    Old Czech:
    blaňe `pasture' [f jā]
    Slovak:
    blana `membrane, film' [f ā]
    Polish:
    bɫona `membrane, film' [f ā]
    Slovincian:
    blȯ́u̯n `cloud' [m o], blȯ́u̯nă `cloud' [Gens]
    Lower Sorbian:
    bɫoń `meadow, clearing' [m i]
    Polabian:
    blån `meadow' [f i];
    blånă `meadow' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    blánja `board, stump, log' [f jā]
    Lithuanian:
    bálnis `peeled tree-trunk' [m i]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰolH-n-i-
    Page in Pokorny: 118
    Comments: See bòlna. I have included Slnc. blȯ́u̯n in spite of the fact that it is morphologically and semantically deviant.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bolnь

  • 7 boln̨a

    bolnь; boln̨a Grammatical information: f. i; f. jā
    Page in Trubačev: II 178
    Russian:
    bolón' (dial.) `peritoneum, membrane, upper layers of a tree, cambium, bull's belly' [f i];
    bólon' (dial.) `timber' [f i]
    Old Russian:
    bolonь `low-lying meadow near a river' [f i]
    Ukrainian:
    bolon' `meadow, pasture' [f i]
    Czech:
    blaňa (dial.) `film, skin (on milk etc.)' [f jā]
    Old Czech:
    blaňe `pasture' [f jā]
    Slovak:
    blana `membrane, film' [f ā]
    Polish:
    bɫona `membrane, film' [f ā]
    Slovincian:
    blȯ́u̯n `cloud' [m o], blȯ́u̯nă `cloud' [Gens]
    Lower Sorbian:
    bɫoń `meadow, clearing' [m i]
    Polabian:
    blån `meadow' [f i];
    blånă `meadow' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    blánja `board, stump, log' [f jā]
    Lithuanian:
    bálnis `peeled tree-trunk' [m i]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰolH-n-i-
    Page in Pokorny: 118
    Comments: See bòlna. I have included Slnc. blȯ́u̯n in spite of the fact that it is morphologically and semantically deviant.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > boln̨a

  • 8 bolzìna

    bolzìna Grammatical information: f. ā
    Page in Trubačev: II 183-184
    Serbo-Croatian:
    blàzina `pillow, bolster' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    blazína `roof-beam, cross-beam, pillow, mattress, bolster' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: bolźeiʔnaʔ; bolźeiʔnos
    Lithuanian:
    balžíenas `cross-beam (harrow,waggon, sledge)' [m o] 1/3;
    balžíena `cross-beam (harrow,waggon, sledge)' [f ā] 1/3
    Latvian:
    bàlziêns `cross-beam (sledge, plough)' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    balsinis `cushion';
    pobalso `bolster'
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰolǵʰ-
    Comments: It seems plausible that we are dealing with two, formally indistinguishable roots (cf. IEW: 122-123, 125-126). The meaning `pillow, bolster' belongs to the same root that underlies Lith. bal̃nas, OHG balg etc. Stang (1972, 14) attempts to separate `beam' from `pillow, bellows' on formal grounds (*ǵ vs. ǵʰ, respectively), but this does not seem to work, as the Balto-Slavic forms that would *ǵ do not show the effects of Winter's law. It is more likely that the Germanic forms with *k contain * k(k) < *ǵʰ-n- (Kluge's law).
    Other cognates:
    OIc. bjalki `beam'
    ;
    OHG balko `beam'
    ;
    OE balca `beam'
    \{1\}

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bolzìna

  • 9 bòrti

    bòrti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: b
    Page in Trubačev: II 213-214
    Old Church Slavic:
    brati (sę) `fight' [verb], borjǫ (sę) [1sg], borješi (sę) [2sg]
    Russian:
    borót' `overpower, throw to the ground' [verb], borjú [1sg], bóret [3sg];
    borót'sja `fight' [verb], borjús' [1sg], bóretsja [3sg]
    Ukrainian:
    boróty `overpower' [verb]
    Polish:
    bróć się (dial.) `fight, contend' [verb]
    Bulgarian:
    bórja `torment, conquer' [verb];
    bórja se `fight' [verb]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: borʔ-
    Lithuanian:
    bárti `scold, accuse, forbid' [verb];
    bártis `quarrel' [verb]
    Latvian:
    bãrti `scold, blame' [verb];
    bãrtiês `quarrel' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰorH-tei
    Page in Pokorny: 133
    Comments: For semantic reasons it is unclear whether Lat. forāre `perforate', OIc. bora `id.' etc. belong here as well (cf. Schrijver 1991: 216; see also s.v. *borna I). \{2\} The Germanic forms continue PGm. *barjan.
    Other cognates:
    Lat. ferīre `hit' [verb];
    OIc. berja `beat, hit' [verb];
    OHG berjan `hit, pound, knead'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > bòrti

  • 10 borzdà

    borzdà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `furrow'
    Page in Trubačev: II 220
    Old Church Slavic:
    brazda `furrow' [f ā]
    Russian:
    borozdá `furrow, (dial.) harrow, canal' [f ā]
    Czech:
    brázda `furrow' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    brázda `furrow' [f ā]
    Polish:
    bruzda `furrow' [f ā]
    Slovincian:
    bḁ́řḍă `furrow' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    brózda `furrow' [f ā]
    Lower Sorbian:
    brozda `furrow' [f ā];
    brůzda (dial.) `furrow' [f ā];
    brou̯zda (dial.) `furrow' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    brázda `furrow, (dial.) canal' [f ā];
    Čak. bråzdȁ (Vrgada) `furrow' [f ā];
    Čak. brāzdȁ (Orbanići) `furrow, row (of potatoes etc., planted in one furrow)' [f ā] \{1\}
    Slovene:
    brázda `furrow, wrinkle' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    brazdá `furrow' [f ā];
    brezdá `furrow' [f ā]
    Macedonian:
    brazdá `furrow, irrigation canal, wrinkle' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    bir̃žė `sign (out of straws or twigs) that marks the boundary of the sowed land, furrow' [f ē] 2 \{2\}
    Latvian:
    bìrze `furrow' [f ē]
    Comments: The reconstruction * bʰrs-d(ʰ)-, which would enable a connection with Skt. bhr̥ṣṭí- f. (RV) `point, top, spike, tooth', cannot account for the Baltic forms.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. bhr̥ṣṭí-
    Notes:
    \{1\} More common is the i-stem brȃs, Gsg. brāzdȉ. \{2\} The original accentuation of this word cannot be established. In Lithuanian, we find biržė 1/2/4 and biržis 1/2/3/4. In Latvian, bìrze, bir̃ze and biȓze are attested.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > borzdà

  • 11 čermъxa

    čermъxa; čermъša; čermъšь; čermuxa; čermuša Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā; f. i Proto-Slavic meaning: `ramson, bird cherry'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 66-68
    Old Church Slavic:
    črěmošь (Ps. Dim.) `ramson' [f i?]
    Russian:
    čerëmuxa `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čerëmxa (dial.) `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čeremšá `ramson' [f jā]
    Old Russian:
    čeremъxa `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    čerémuxa `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čerémxa `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Czech:
    střemcha `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čermucha (Jungmann) `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    třěmcha `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    čremcha `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Polish:
    trzemcha `bird cherry' [f ā];
    trzemucha `ramson, bird cherry' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    crȉjemuša `ramson' [f jā]
    Slovene:
    črę̑mha `bird cherry' [f ā];
    črę̑msa `bird cherry' [f ā];
    črę̑moš `ramson' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: kerm-(o)uṣ-; śerm-(o)uṣ-
    Lithuanian:
    kermušė̃ (dial.) `tip of a drill, top of a flail, ramson' [f ē] 3b
    Comments: The variation between BSl. *k- and *ś- (cf. -> * sermъša, etc.) points to an initial palatovelar. The plain velar may have arisen before *r . In this connection it should be noted that the cognates outside Balto-Slavic reflect *ḱrem- or *ḱrom- instead of *ḱerm-. The suffix apparently contained an s.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. κρόμμυον (Hom.), κρόμυον (Ion., Att.) `onion' [n];
    Gk. κρέμυον (Hsch.) `onion' [n];
    OIr. crem `dog's leek, wild garlic leek, gentian, buckrams'
    ;
    OE hramsa `ramson'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > čermъxa

  • 12 čermъša

    čermъxa; čermъša; čermъšь; čermuxa; čermuša Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā; f. i Proto-Slavic meaning: `ramson, bird cherry'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 66-68
    Old Church Slavic:
    črěmošь (Ps. Dim.) `ramson' [f i?]
    Russian:
    čerëmuxa `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čerëmxa (dial.) `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čeremšá `ramson' [f jā]
    Old Russian:
    čeremъxa `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    čerémuxa `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čerémxa `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Czech:
    střemcha `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čermucha (Jungmann) `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    třěmcha `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    čremcha `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Polish:
    trzemcha `bird cherry' [f ā];
    trzemucha `ramson, bird cherry' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    crȉjemuša `ramson' [f jā]
    Slovene:
    črę̑mha `bird cherry' [f ā];
    črę̑msa `bird cherry' [f ā];
    črę̑moš `ramson' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: kerm-(o)uṣ-; śerm-(o)uṣ-
    Lithuanian:
    kermušė̃ (dial.) `tip of a drill, top of a flail, ramson' [f ē] 3b
    Comments: The variation between BSl. *k- and *ś- (cf. -> * sermъša, etc.) points to an initial palatovelar. The plain velar may have arisen before *r . In this connection it should be noted that the cognates outside Balto-Slavic reflect *ḱrem- or *ḱrom- instead of *ḱerm-. The suffix apparently contained an s.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. κρόμμυον (Hom.), κρόμυον (Ion., Att.) `onion' [n];
    Gk. κρέμυον (Hsch.) `onion' [n];
    OIr. crem `dog's leek, wild garlic leek, gentian, buckrams'
    ;
    OE hramsa `ramson'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > čermъša

  • 13 čermъšь

    čermъxa; čermъša; čermъšь; čermuxa; čermuša Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā; f. i Proto-Slavic meaning: `ramson, bird cherry'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 66-68
    Old Church Slavic:
    črěmošь (Ps. Dim.) `ramson' [f i?]
    Russian:
    čerëmuxa `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čerëmxa (dial.) `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čeremšá `ramson' [f jā]
    Old Russian:
    čeremъxa `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    čerémuxa `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čerémxa `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Czech:
    střemcha `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čermucha (Jungmann) `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    třěmcha `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    čremcha `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Polish:
    trzemcha `bird cherry' [f ā];
    trzemucha `ramson, bird cherry' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    crȉjemuša `ramson' [f jā]
    Slovene:
    črę̑mha `bird cherry' [f ā];
    črę̑msa `bird cherry' [f ā];
    črę̑moš `ramson' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: kerm-(o)uṣ-; śerm-(o)uṣ-
    Lithuanian:
    kermušė̃ (dial.) `tip of a drill, top of a flail, ramson' [f ē] 3b
    Comments: The variation between BSl. *k- and *ś- (cf. -> * sermъša, etc.) points to an initial palatovelar. The plain velar may have arisen before *r . In this connection it should be noted that the cognates outside Balto-Slavic reflect *ḱrem- or *ḱrom- instead of *ḱerm-. The suffix apparently contained an s.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. κρόμμυον (Hom.), κρόμυον (Ion., Att.) `onion' [n];
    Gk. κρέμυον (Hsch.) `onion' [n];
    OIr. crem `dog's leek, wild garlic leek, gentian, buckrams'
    ;
    OE hramsa `ramson'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > čermъšь

  • 14 čermuxa

    čermъxa; čermъša; čermъšь; čermuxa; čermuša Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā; f. i Proto-Slavic meaning: `ramson, bird cherry'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 66-68
    Old Church Slavic:
    črěmošь (Ps. Dim.) `ramson' [f i?]
    Russian:
    čerëmuxa `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čerëmxa (dial.) `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čeremšá `ramson' [f jā]
    Old Russian:
    čeremъxa `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    čerémuxa `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čerémxa `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Czech:
    střemcha `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čermucha (Jungmann) `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    třěmcha `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    čremcha `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Polish:
    trzemcha `bird cherry' [f ā];
    trzemucha `ramson, bird cherry' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    crȉjemuša `ramson' [f jā]
    Slovene:
    črę̑mha `bird cherry' [f ā];
    črę̑msa `bird cherry' [f ā];
    črę̑moš `ramson' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: kerm-(o)uṣ-; śerm-(o)uṣ-
    Lithuanian:
    kermušė̃ (dial.) `tip of a drill, top of a flail, ramson' [f ē] 3b
    Comments: The variation between BSl. *k- and *ś- (cf. -> * sermъša, etc.) points to an initial palatovelar. The plain velar may have arisen before *r . In this connection it should be noted that the cognates outside Balto-Slavic reflect *ḱrem- or *ḱrom- instead of *ḱerm-. The suffix apparently contained an s.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. κρόμμυον (Hom.), κρόμυον (Ion., Att.) `onion' [n];
    Gk. κρέμυον (Hsch.) `onion' [n];
    OIr. crem `dog's leek, wild garlic leek, gentian, buckrams'
    ;
    OE hramsa `ramson'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > čermuxa

  • 15 čermuša

    čermъxa; čermъša; čermъšь; čermuxa; čermuša Grammatical information: f. ā; f. jā; f. i Proto-Slavic meaning: `ramson, bird cherry'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 66-68
    Old Church Slavic:
    črěmošь (Ps. Dim.) `ramson' [f i?]
    Russian:
    čerëmuxa `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čerëmxa (dial.) `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čeremšá `ramson' [f jā]
    Old Russian:
    čeremъxa `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    čerémuxa `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čerémxa `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Czech:
    střemcha `bird cherry' [f ā];
    čermucha (Jungmann) `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    třěmcha `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    čremcha `bird cherry' [f ā]
    Polish:
    trzemcha `bird cherry' [f ā];
    trzemucha `ramson, bird cherry' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    crȉjemuša `ramson' [f jā]
    Slovene:
    črę̑mha `bird cherry' [f ā];
    črę̑msa `bird cherry' [f ā];
    črę̑moš `ramson' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: kerm-(o)uṣ-; śerm-(o)uṣ-
    Lithuanian:
    kermušė̃ (dial.) `tip of a drill, top of a flail, ramson' [f ē] 3b
    Comments: The variation between BSl. *k- and *ś- (cf. -> * sermъša, etc.) points to an initial palatovelar. The plain velar may have arisen before *r . In this connection it should be noted that the cognates outside Balto-Slavic reflect *ḱrem- or *ḱrom- instead of *ḱerm-. The suffix apparently contained an s.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. κρόμμυον (Hom.), κρόμυον (Ion., Att.) `onion' [n];
    Gk. κρέμυον (Hsch.) `onion' [n];
    OIr. crem `dog's leek, wild garlic leek, gentian, buckrams'
    ;
    OE hramsa `ramson'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > čermuša

  • 16 drebà

    drobà II; drobìna II; drebà Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `sediment, brewer's yeast, dregs, entrails'
    Page in Trubačev: V 105, 117, 118-119
    Russian:
    drobá (dial.) `sediment, brewer's yeast, dregs' [f ā];
    drobína (dial.) `sediment, brewer's yeast, dregs' [f ā];
    drebá (dial.) `sediment, brewer's yeast, dregs' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dróba (RSA) `entrails' [f ā];
    dròbina (Vuk) `entrails, tripe' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    drabnà (dial.) `sleet, dough, mud' [f ā] 4
    Latvian:
    drabenes `sediment of malt after brewing process' [f ē]
    Comments: Unlike the ESSJa, I have separated *drobà II `sediment, dregs, entrails' from *drobà I `crumb, small fry, small livestock', etc. It can be argued that the meanings `dregs' and `crumbs' may be covered by the designation `remnants', but for the root of drobà I the notion `small, fine' seems essential, while drobà II is about thick, weak masses. We may reconstruct a European root * dʰrabʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. draf `lees, yeast' [n];
    Nw. drav `sediment of malt after brewing process' [n];
    OHG trebir `pig's swill' [Nompm];
    MoDu. draf `pig's swill'
    ;
    MoIr. draoib `mud, mire' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > drebà

  • 17 edìnъ

    edìnъ; edьnъ Grammatical information: num. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `one'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 11-13
    Old Church Slavic:
    jedinъ `one' [num o];
    jedьnъ `one' [num o] \{1\}
    Russian:
    odín `one' [num o], odnogó [Gens], odná [Nomsf]
    Czech:
    jeden `one' [num o]
    Polish:
    jeden `one' [num o];
    jedyny `only' [num o]
    Old Polish:
    jedziny `only' [num o]
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃dĕn `one' [num o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèdan `one' [num o], jȅdna [Nomsf];
    Čak. jedå̃n (Vrgada) `one' [num o], jednȁ [Nomsf], jednȍ [Nomsn];
    Čak. jedãn (Orbanići) `one, some, a certain, a' [num o], jenȁ [Nomsf], jenȍ [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    edín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    jedín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    édǝn `one' [num o];
    jédǝn `one' [num o];
    èn `one' [num o]
    Bulgarian:
    edín `one' [num. o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁edʰ-HiH-no-
    IE meaning: one
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 284, 286
    Comments: In view of Ru. odín, Gsg. odnogó etc., the form *jedьnь must be due to analogy. The vowel of the second syllable behaves similarly to a so-called "tense jer": in strong postion we find i (sometimes e), in weak position the vowel is lost. This behaviour might be linked to the j of *jьnъ. Though the j, which before words beginning with a front vowel had arisen as an automatic Hiatustilger, is absent in *jedinъ/jedьnъ, it is conceivable that it conformed to the pattern of *jьnъ. The problem with this hypothesis is that forms with *jn- < *jьn appear to be lacking. Andersen's reconstruction *edeino- next to *edino- (1996: 116) is, in my opinion, an unsatisfactory explanation for the alternation mentioned above. The origin of the element *jed- < *(h₁)edʰ- is unclear. Pokorny's reconstruction *ed- is in conflict with Winter's law.
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form with ь is less common than jedinъ.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > edìnъ

  • 18 edьnъ

    edìnъ; edьnъ Grammatical information: num. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `one'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 11-13
    Old Church Slavic:
    jedinъ `one' [num o];
    jedьnъ `one' [num o] \{1\}
    Russian:
    odín `one' [num o], odnogó [Gens], odná [Nomsf]
    Czech:
    jeden `one' [num o]
    Polish:
    jeden `one' [num o];
    jedyny `only' [num o]
    Old Polish:
    jedziny `only' [num o]
    Slovincian:
    jȧ̃dĕn `one' [num o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jèdan `one' [num o], jȅdna [Nomsf];
    Čak. jedå̃n (Vrgada) `one' [num o], jednȁ [Nomsf], jednȍ [Nomsn];
    Čak. jedãn (Orbanići) `one, some, a certain, a' [num o], jenȁ [Nomsf], jenȍ [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    edín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    jedín `only, lonesome' [num o];
    édǝn `one' [num o];
    jédǝn `one' [num o];
    èn `one' [num o]
    Bulgarian:
    edín `one' [num. o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁edʰ-HiH-no-
    IE meaning: one
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 284, 286
    Comments: In view of Ru. odín, Gsg. odnogó etc., the form *jedьnь must be due to analogy. The vowel of the second syllable behaves similarly to a so-called "tense jer": in strong postion we find i (sometimes e), in weak position the vowel is lost. This behaviour might be linked to the j of *jьnъ. Though the j, which before words beginning with a front vowel had arisen as an automatic Hiatustilger, is absent in *jedinъ/jedьnъ, it is conceivable that it conformed to the pattern of *jьnъ. The problem with this hypothesis is that forms with *jn- < *jьn appear to be lacking. Andersen's reconstruction *edeino- next to *edino- (1996: 116) is, in my opinion, an unsatisfactory explanation for the alternation mentioned above. The origin of the element *jed- < *(h₁)edʰ- is unclear. Pokorny's reconstruction *ed- is in conflict with Winter's law.
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form with ь is less common than jedinъ.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > edьnъ

  • 19 erębь

    erębь; erębъ; erębъkъ
    Page in Trubačev: I 73-76
    Church Slavic:
    jarębь (RuCS) `partridge' [m. jo??]
    Old Russian:
    erjabь, orjabь `partridge' [m. jo??]
    Czech:
    jeřáb `rowan-tree;
    crane, (arch.) `partridge' [m o];
    jeřábek `hazel-grouse' [m o]
    Slovak:
    jerab `rowan-tree' [m o]
    Polish:
    jarząb (arch., dial.) `rowan-tree (dial.), hazel-grouse (OPl.)' [m o];
    jarząbek, jerząbek (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jerjab `hazel-grouse' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȁrēb (dial.) `partridge' [m o];
    Čak. ȍreb (Vrgada) `partridge' [m o]
    Slovene:
    jerę̑b `partridge' [m o];
    jarę̑b `partridge' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: erimb-
    Lithuanian:
    jerubė̃, jerumbė̃ (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [f ē] 3b
    Latvian:
    ierube (BW) `partridge' [f ē]
    Indo-European reconstruction: ermb-o-
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 334
    Comments: Rather than reconstructing *(j)arębъ etc. ( Trubačëv I: 73), I assume that *ja- arose secondarily from *je- (cf. Andersen 1996: 136 ff.). We seem to be dealing with a root *(e)r(m)b- (with a variant * (e)ru(m)b-) of undoubtedly non-Indo-European origin.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. jarpi `hazel-grouse'
    ;
    OIc. jarpr `brown' [adj] \{1\}

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > erębь

  • 20 erębъ

    erębь; erębъ; erębъkъ
    Page in Trubačev: I 73-76
    Church Slavic:
    jarębь (RuCS) `partridge' [m. jo??]
    Old Russian:
    erjabь, orjabь `partridge' [m. jo??]
    Czech:
    jeřáb `rowan-tree;
    crane, (arch.) `partridge' [m o];
    jeřábek `hazel-grouse' [m o]
    Slovak:
    jerab `rowan-tree' [m o]
    Polish:
    jarząb (arch., dial.) `rowan-tree (dial.), hazel-grouse (OPl.)' [m o];
    jarząbek, jerząbek (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [m o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    jerjab `hazel-grouse' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȁrēb (dial.) `partridge' [m o];
    Čak. ȍreb (Vrgada) `partridge' [m o]
    Slovene:
    jerę̑b `partridge' [m o];
    jarę̑b `partridge' [m o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: erimb-
    Lithuanian:
    jerubė̃, jerumbė̃ (dial.) `hazel-grouse' [f ē] 3b
    Latvian:
    ierube (BW) `partridge' [f ē]
    Indo-European reconstruction: ermb-o-
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 334
    Comments: Rather than reconstructing *(j)arębъ etc. ( Trubačëv I: 73), I assume that *ja- arose secondarily from *je- (cf. Andersen 1996: 136 ff.). We seem to be dealing with a root *(e)r(m)b- (with a variant * (e)ru(m)b-) of undoubtedly non-Indo-European origin.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. jarpi `hazel-grouse'
    ;
    OIc. jarpr `brown' [adj] \{1\}

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > erębъ

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  • Request for comments — « RFC » redirige ici. Pour les autres significations, voir RFC (homonymie). Steve Crocker, auteur de la RFC 1 …   Wikipédia en Français

  • Observations Concerning the Increase of Mankind, Peopling of Countries, etc. — Observations concerning the Increase of Mankind, peopling of Countries, etc.   Author(s) Benjamin Franklin Publica …   Wikipedia

  • TV etc. — TV etc. was a newsletter published by the Media Research Center.It was the basis for the Parents Television Council and was criticized by Extra! , the magazine of the liberal/progressive media watch group FAIR for reporting off screen political… …   Wikipedia

  • XML — Infobox file format name = Extensible Markup Language icon = logo = extension = .xml mime = application/xml, text/xml (deprecated) type code = uniform type = public.xml magic = owner = World Wide Web Consortium genre = Markup language container… …   Wikipedia

  • Qype — Infobox Company company name = Qype GmbH company type = Private company slogan = No Hype. Just Qype foundation = November 2005 location = Hamburg, Germany key people = Stephan Uhrenbacher, CEO industry = Business ratings and reviews products =… …   Wikipedia

  • throw — throw1 [ θrou ] (past tense threw [ θru ] ; past participle thrown [ θroun ] ) verb *** ▸ 1 send object through air ▸ 2 put quickly & carelessly ▸ 3 move (someone/something) suddenly ▸ 4 be forced to go to place ▸ 5 look etc. in direction ▸ 6… …   Usage of the words and phrases in modern English

  • Extended Backus–Naur Form — In computer science, Extended Backus–Naur Form (EBNF) is a metasyntax notation used to express context free grammars: that is, a formal way to describe computer programming languages and other formal languages. It is an extension of the basic… …   Wikipedia

  • XML Certification Program — (XML Master) is IT professional certification for XML and related technologies. There are two levels of XML Certifications, XML Master Basic certification and XML Master Professional certification, and more than 16000 examiners have passed those… …   Wikipedia

  • plant — plantable, adj. plantless, adj. plantlike, adj. /plant, plahnt/, n. 1. any member of the kingdom Plantae, comprising multicellular organisms that typically produce their own food from inorganic matter by the process of photosynthesis and that… …   Universalium

  • throw — I UK [θrəʊ] / US [θroʊ] verb Word forms throw : present tense I/you/we/they throw he/she/it throws present participle throwing past tense threw UK [θruː] / US [θru] past participle thrown UK [θrəʊn] / US [θroʊn] *** 1) [intransitive/transitive]… …   English dictionary

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